Specifically, organisations considering the use of ICT in a project need to realise that ICT is much more effective at bettering people’s lives when it is used in a local context to meet another social need. In addition, the use of this new technology needs to be as inclusive as possible, which requires an understanding of the interplay between ICT and social capital. The most promising and appropriate way to meet these goals is through the use of a skilled intermediary to ensure that those without the money, experience or education to use the technology directly are still provided with useful information. 

This article will present some of the current literature on ICT in development, and will particularly investigate the uses of social capital in the context of several case studies within India. While there is no lack of literature discussing ICT in development, the focus has long been stuck on the specific technology being used as well as an assumption that development will occur automatically once ICT is widely available. In reaction to this viewpoint, most recent literature instead puts the focus on a people-centred approach that addresses a specific social need (MSSRF 2005). This literature suggests that it is important to develop a plan for involving the intended beneficiaries and also to be aware of the assumptions being made about a lack of digital technology. In this section I will look at how ICT, in development, is perceived around the world followed by a look at the role that social capital literature plays in understanding the effects of ICT in rural development. Finally I will highlight some of the issues regarding exclusion that result from the implementation of ICT, as well as a handful of case studies of projects in India that represent how ICT is contextualised to local needs.

ICT and the digital divide

Towards the end of the 1990s, the term ‘digital divide’ quickly grew to symbolise a type of global disparity between the technological haves and have-nots (Keniston 2002). It also came to be synonymous with other disparities such as the global inequality between development in the North and South. The idea is that there are those with full access to digital technologies like mobile phones, computers and the internet; and others who still lack these modern tools.

However, over the decade since the term ‘digital divide’ slipped into common usage the developing world has adopted technologies, like the mobile phone, with a speed surpassing even that of the developed world. In light of these changes, the notion of a digital divide seems less accurate and Warschauer (2003: 199) suggests that it makes more sense to speak about ‘digital inequality’ where the focus is on the “technical means, autonomy, skill, social support and purpose” with which people use ICT.

ICT approaches, therefore, cannot be programs unto themselves, but must be part of an existing program (Mir & Mir 2005). ICT alone does not reduce poverty or increase social well-being. Instead, technology needs to be socially imbedded, and not seen as separate (Warschauer, 2003). Programs that use technology to meet social needs should focus on individual people instead of planning to generally expose people to ICT; this approach will ensure programs have a greater chance of making a difference in people’s lives (Warschauer 2003).

In conceptualising ICT in the developing world, it is also important not to assume that the development of this technology will follow the Western model. As has been mentioned, mobile phone use in many developing countries has taken off; yet for developing countries to catch up to developed countries in terms of broadband internet use, it will require a lengthy process of laying fibre-optic cable and making hardware upgrades that follow different economies of scale than the rapid expansion of mobile phone towers (The Economist, 2008).

There are still many hurdles to developing countries carving out their own approach to ICT. Warschauer (2003) points out that the dominance of the ASCII character system, which is incompatible with non-English characters, has dealt a setback to local-language internet use around the world; and only now are more compatible standards being established. This, along with the ‘office’ idiom of files and folders in computer operating systems which resulted from the early roots of ICT being based in America, are common hurdles for those attempting to integrate ICT into rural settings around the world (Warschauer 2003).

Another difference between the developing and developed world is the extent to which using a computer is an individual or group experience. Many users in the developing world are secondary users rather than primary users. They may have partial or negligible access to a computer, but still need a way to access the information (Parikh & Ghosh 2006). In order to address this need, software from the developed world, whose interface is only designed for a single primary user, needs to be improved. The literature suggests that innovations like audio feedback, in the case of an illiterate user, might help to bridge this gap (Parikh & Ghosh 2006). For educational purposes, a team of Microsoft researchers in India developed a system for using multiple mice, where each student would see their own colour-coded cursor on the screen (Pawar, Pal, & Toyama 2006). Interestingly, much of the software and hardware for ICT is now manufactured in developing countries like India and China, and it is certainly possible that we could see new innovations in ICTs that are more appropriate for secondary users in the future (Poh-Kam, 2002).

Social Capital

The concept of ‘communication’ in ICT can be viewed as part of the literature on social capital and development. Increased and improved communication is tied to people’s social capital in many ways. ICTs allow people to reach out beyond their ‘group’ or physical location – something that is vital to economic development in poor communities. Woolcock (1998) describes this as a need for a balance between intensive intra-community links and extra-community links in order for long-term development to succeed. That is, people must have equally strong ties to their own community, as well as to those outside their circle. One example of an ICT tool to build extra-community links is the India-based Honey Bee Network (www.sristi.org/cms/en/our_network). The purpose of the network is to spread local knowledge information ‘like pollen’. Users share innovations, anything from homemade insecticides to tips for developing the best cauliflower varieties, and in return get full attribution on the website as well as any feedback that comes through the network. This is social capital in action.

In addition to creating new extra-community links, it is also possible that ICT can strengthen weakened intra-community links. For example, the introduction of ICT can allow migrants to keep in touch with families and maintain bonds that might have otherwise deteriorated over time. ICT also shows new divisions in groups based on how its benefits are perceived. In India, it was found that many youth view ICT differently then adults; youth saw it primarily as a tool for getting ahead in school, finding jobs in the city and contributing to the national pride (Ezer 2006). To the new generation, ICT promises more personal benefits whereas economic development at the village level, which would benefit the whole community, is not such an obvious use. This research indicates that the youth in much of India are more focused on creating extra-community links, or at least are not as beholden to their intra-community bonds. While this could be disruptive to traditional societies, literature suggests it is also a positive step. Warschauer (2003) explains that a greater number of weak ties are more important than a small number of stronger ties. The logic is that you have access to far more opportunities and support if you are connected to diverse groups of people.

It also needs to be noted that much of the literature on the benefits of social capital can be criticised as an overly vague “analytical sack of potatoes” (Cummings, Heeks, & Huysman 2006: 578). It is simply too easy to imply benefits without clearly understanding what is actually going on in the community. In regards to social capital and the effects of ICT, there needs to be more rigorous monitoring and evaluation (M&E) before one can state for certain that the benefits of ICT outweigh the costs (Cecchini 2003).

ICT and inclusion

The introduction of ICT in a project, along with the selection of partnering groups or community organisations, frequently excludes many of the poorest members of the village who are typically not consulted (Cleaver 2005). An understanding of the Indian social dynamic is necessary to further explore how the introduction of ICT affects society. Increasing the availability of information to a community, a goal of most ICT projects, brings power relations into play as ‘information’ can often be looked at as synonymous with power (Ife & Tesoriero 2006). In India, where immense bonding capital is structurally visible in the form of castes, it is likely that those of lower castes will lose out when groups with more power can lock up limited access to ICT. Therefore, in order to ensure that lower castes, and especially those who are illiterate or unskilled, are not excluded; access to ICT needs to be mediated by someone familiar with technology as well as the needs of the community (MSSRF 2005).

The need for intermediation in ICT is both a measure to prevent exclusion as well as a reality in much of India where computer use is often a communal experience. Compared to China, which in 2007 boasted 162 million internet users, India with a similar population only has around 60 million users (Central Intelligence Agency 2008). The implication is that there are relatively few internet-connected computers in India and consequently a small number of intermediaries through which information can pass. Parikh and Ghosh (2006: 32) observe that in the developing world computer use is a “complex relationship between technology, multiple users, indirect stakeholders, observers, and bystanders.” Given that a shared experience of intermediated access to ICT is already common in the developing world, those intermediaries will need to provide more unfiltered information in order for the process to be truly inclusive.

Case studies from India

India is a hotbed for rural development programs that focus on ICT, and Andhra Pradesh is no exception. When looking at poverty in Andhra Pradesh, Krishna (2006: 271) outlines the factors pushing people into poverty and drawing them back out:

While ill health and high healthcare costs, social and customary expenses, high-interest private debt, and drought are associated most often with falling into poverty, diversification of income sources and land improvement are most closely related with escape.

Not surprisingly, one can find many programs in Andhra Pradesh that deal with agricultural improvements, income diversification and lowering borrowing costs.

Among the most widely reported on programs is e-Choupal (www.echoupal.com), part of ITC Limited, which attempts to connect villages as part of an alternative supply system for crops through the use of internet kiosks and agricultural advisors in each participating village. Another popular initiative in Andhra Pradesh is Ikisan (www.ikisan.com), a similar industry-run network of staffed kiosks that shares knowledge and promotes the use of the company’s products – in this case, Nagarjuna fertilizers and chemicals (Rao 2007). Both of these projects are largely associated with improvements to agriculture that increase agricultural income. As they are both for-profit businesses, it’s also important to realise that whenever there is a larger partner involved, there is usually an outside interest that could potentially limit the goals of other non-profit partners (Warschauer 2003). In these examples it’s important to note that ICT is primarily being used to lower transaction costs rather then empower local farmers (Rao 2007).

The availability of ICT can also serve as an engine for new jobs in the village. Some programs offer services tied to information kiosks, such as an initiative by Hewlett-Packard (HP) that focuses on diversifying personal income and the local economy as a whole (Rao 2007). In this model, internet kiosks fitted out with internet and printing capability serve as a hub for entrepreneurs by generating wealth through offering ICT services rather than encouraging the sale of agricultural inputs. Local entrepreneurs and established businesses tend to benefit the most in these scenarios (Cecchini 2003). One caution here is that HP asserts ownership over their facilities, while other similar schemes turn over full control to local entrepreneurs (Rao 2007).

Other players in the world of ICT for rural development include eSeva (www.esevaonline.com) and aAqua (http://aaqua.persistent.co.in), which attempt to increase access to information without specifically building a local component or profit-making scheme. eSeva is designed to improve access to government forms and information in Andhra Pradesh (part of the e-government movement). aAqua (almost All questions usually answered) is a forum where experts from all over India answer farmer’s questions. Replies are often incredibly detailed with photos and step by step instructions on how to do everything from make a rose cutting to assessing the advantages of Boer Goat farming. The site is also available in three languages (English, Hindi and Marathi), making it available to much of India. These initiatives clearly rely on users having their own ability to gain access to the internet, but as an approach to provide unbiased information would seem to be more empowering.

There are numerous case studies focusing on the effects that ICTs have on the intended recipients of a project, but there are also case studies regarding effects on the implementing agencies themselves. In the case of Rohde (2004), he looked at NGOs in Iran that used ICTs to greatly increase and strengthen their NGO networks. It was found that by embracing ICT, through a network of local NGOs, organisations were able to build up social trust and common practices that helped them to succeed (Rohde 2004). This in essence is increasing the bridging capital of the organisations themselves and shows the importance of ICT in developing the administration process as well as the implementation.

Bibliography

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Cleaver, F. (2005). The inequality of social capital and the reproduction of chronic poverty. World Development , 33 (6), 893-906 .

Cummings, S., Heeks, R., & Huysman, M. (2006). Knowledge and learning in online networks in development: a social-capital perspective. Development in Practice , 16 (6), 570-586.

Deshingkar, P., Johnson, C., & Farrington, J. (2005). State Transfers to the Poor and Back: the Case of The Food-For-Work Program in India. World Development , 3 (4), 575-591.

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Hammond, A. (2001, March/April). Digitally Empowered Development. Foreign Affairs , 1-8.

Ife, J., & Tesoriero, F. (2006). Community Development: community based alternatives in an age of globalisation. French Forest: Pearson Education Australia.

Keniston, K. (2002). Grassroots ICT Projects in India: Some Preliminary Hypotheses. ASCI JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT , 31 (1&2), 1-9.

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Mir, R., & Mir, A. (2005). Catalysis, Not Leapfrog: An Institutionalist Argument for a Limited Role of ICTs in India’s Development. Asian Business & Management , 4, 411-429.

Molony, T. (2006). ‘I Don’t Trust the Phone; It Always Lies’: Trust and Information and Communication Technologies in Tanzanian Micro- and Small Enterprises. The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Information Technologies and International Development , 3 (4), 67-83.

MSSRF. (2005, 1 1). Toolkit for setting up Rural Knowledge Centres. Retrieved January 27, 2008 from MS Swaminathan Research Foundation: http://www.mssrf-nva.org/publications/Toolkit-VKC-2005.pdf

Parikh, T., & Ghosh, K. (2006). Understanding and Designing for Intermediated Information Tasks in India. IEEE Pervasive Computing , 5 (2), 32-39.

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When looking at how countries might be affected by climate change, Bangladesh and the United Kingdom (UK) seem to stand at opposite ends of the continuum. Rising seas and flooding in Bangladesh are likely to displace millions in a country barely able to meet its current needs (Jahan 2000). Yet in the UK, a warming climate is likely to actually increase yields of agricultural lands, and a robust economy is poised to take advantage of a booming demand for “green” products that combat climate change (King 2004). To make this contrast more ironic, the UK is a prime example of the kind of carbon-intensive culture that has been blamed for climate change, while Bangladesh makes a relatively tiny impact on global climate change.

It would seem that the stage is set for conflict between Bangladesh and the UK, yet this is not what is happening. The UK is Bangladesh’s largest donor, which means something when Bangladesh is one of the world’s largest aid recipients (Jahan 2000). In addition, there is solid evidence that the UK is doing more than just looking out for itself when it comes to climate change by being an active member of agreements like the Kyoto accord. While it would be far more cost effective for the UK to attempt to cope with climate change rather than prevent it; they are taking serious steps to change their behavior in ways that might even be meaningful to places like Bangladesh (King 2004). In short, the UK and Bangladesh are indicative of a world that is showing signs of working together to act on climate change rather than standing at odds.

To explain this change, I will explore the evidence that global climate change is forcing cultures around the world to break down boundaries and cooperate to an unprecedented degree. I will also look at Bangladesh and the United Kingdom as case studies for how both cultures are dealing with the onset of climate change and viewing each other in this context. In particular, I will show some examples of how cultural change and conflict in these countries is already showing signs of breaking down historic boundaries that might keep them from dealing with climate change.

( download the PDF to read the rest of the paper )

Culture and Climate Change in Bangladesh and the UK PDF – 260k

2. Inside a sound bubble is this beat. Kind of elliptical and that’s not a type of sound, but if you could see sound, it would look like that. It’s a comforting beat and the bass is agreeing with it, kind of saying “amen” to each smooth grooving beat. All of the sudden a ladies voice comes descending over it all and the voice is, if you would allow me, saying “Hey, it’s all right, and I know the answer”. We are listening to the bubble and are totally convinced. Although the sound is encased in the bubble, it is sending out little messages or updates and it is these messages or updates that we are hearing, not the real thing. For a second the voice becomes sinister and tells us to take off our skin and destroy each other, but we’re not ready for that and the voice realizes this, kindly switching back to that previous message that had us nodding our heads so agreeably.

3. In the future is a big problem that we probably should have seen coming. Wait, we did see it coming and there was a task force or some such group that was assigned to deal with it and they’re living in this house on some island in Japan. It’s one of those really flat islands with endless forests of this one type of tree growing in unison. There used to be a large golf-ball shaped resort there, but that’s gone because of the afore mentioned problem. In this house, a lovely wooden house built with joinery, there is an old man, the oldest of this task force or group or whatever that’s been meeting for the last 2 decades as the world fell apart around them. Anyway, he’s totally done with this and he’s built a boat to leave the island, but the boat needs a skipper, cook, 1st mate, navigator and he’ll be the passenger.

The Middle East : MP3 1.5mb

We took a leisurely pace getting over to the islands one fine Friday morning on a long weekend (see more pictures of the islands). Our ferry pulled up to Lovells Island, where we would be camping, at around 2:30 in the afternoon, just ahead of a menacing black storm cloud.

The campsites on Lovells are tucked into the trees at one end of the island, and we selected one quickly, pitched our tent, and ducked inside to wait out the storm. We emerged later to blue skies and began to explore the island. Lovells has a history of military fortification from the Civil War to WWII, so old overgrown bunkers abound. We climbed around the ramparts and into the gun turrets, now overgrown with grasses and sumac.

On the far side of the island from the ferry is a supervised swimming beach, which is also a good place for exploring small tide pools and general monkeying around. This side of the island faces the open sea and if you don’t look to the right, where you can see the skyline, airport and gas plant, you would almost think you were on a remote Atlantic island.

In the evening we took our dinner down to the ferry side of the beach, which is lined with a row of small sand dunes. There we skipped rocks, tried to avoid disturbing nesting terns, and enjoyed the sun setting over the city skyline.

In the morning we caught the first ferry off Lovells and from there ferry hopped around on a “scenic” tour of the other four islands. No other people seemed to be enjoying this boat trip for the sheer trip alone, but we at least got a look at all the islands, which is more than most do in a day. We spent brief stints on Grape and Peddocks before returning to George and catching the ferry back to the city.

Directions How to Get There:

Take the T to the Aquarium stop. As you exit, walk towards the wharf, but before you get there, take a left and walk through the lobby of the Marriott to the other side where you will find the ticket booth and dock of the Boston Harbor Islands ferry. A $10 will get you a round trip ticket to George’s Island, from where you can catch free smaller ferries to the other 4 islands.

Make a reservation to camp on a Boston harbor island.

16 Pictures from the Boston Harbor Islands

The Different Islands:

Grape Island – This Island is the closest to the mainland of all the islands, and the bay around it is absent of waves and more of a green than a deeper ocean blue. The island itself is a solid shrub forest, carved up in a series of mown grass trails that criss-cross the island. There is a small grape arbor down by the docks where you arrive. While on the boat to Grape, we heard many people making plans to eat any and all berries found on the island.

Peddocks – Apart from Georges Island, Peddocks is the other main hub where you can catch the smaller ferry to Bumpkin and Grape Islands. The camping here is on the lawn overlooking the water. Lovely walks can be had along the tree covered lanes that lead past rotting wood and brick officers quarters, hospitals and recreation halls.

Bumpkin – This island is covered with Sumac, though the number of people headed this way with bags of charcoal and beer seemed to suggest at least some part of the island is pleasant.

Georges – There is no camping on this island, and apart from being an old fort, it is the only island where lobster and ice cream are served.

Yes, that’s right, addictive. It is so easy to just take a look in the book in order to find a hostel, a restaurant, the right bus, that you begin to forgo human interaction in favor of a few quickly flipped pages. Having a book that tells you everything becomes an excuse for not learning from people around you, or just taking a gamble on something you discover on your own.

Here’s a scenario:
Two friends are sitting in their hostel room. They are thinking about whether or not to visit a certain temple in town. The temple is maybe a ten minute walk down the road. The hostel owner is sitting at the desk downstairs reading a book. There are other guests around.
Friend 1 says: “Well why don’t we just see what the book says…”
Friends open the guidebook and read an unfavorable review of a visit to this temple. They decide not to go. Later on they talk to half a dozen people who say that this temple is the best thing in town and they can’t believe you didn’t go.

A guidebook can be a blinder, narrowing your view of what you want to see based on the preferences of the guidebook author.

In college I was shocked to discover that books had biases. But its a book, I thought, I mean if they put it in a book it must be fact, right? Factual perhaps, but there are many facts to pick and choose from. Just the same, the writing of any guide book is a matter of pick and choose. And they are biased.

By now you may be realizing that you are one of those poor souls who is addicted to their guidebooks. Yes, it was a painful realization for me too. So in order to help us all out I am providing some helpful hints on overcoming such an addiction:

1. Get a novel, a book of essays, something other than your guidebook to bring with you. This will stop you from reading it more than necessary because you “didn’t have any other reading material.”

2. If you find yourself saying things like, “Well the guidebook says” when asked for your personal opinion, stop yourself. Think for a moment, and then decide what you actually want to do.

(Note: finding your own opinions will also make you much more appealing to any possible travel mates. Nothing is worse than a daily “I don’t know..well the guidebook says…” It is much more fun to travel with an adventurous companion, and one who thinks for him/herself)

3. After consulting your book for basic details on your destination, put it in the bottom of your bag. This will stop you from consulting it at the slightest provocation. Instead you might actually talk to someone.

4. Make yourself talk to at least one person a day. I don’t mean “Yes, I’d like the vegetable curry, please.” I’m talking about a real conversation. Sure it sounds crazy to remind yourself to talk, but it is all too easy to disappear into your own world when you travel. Have a real conversation at least once a day and you will certainly learn more than your guidebook can tell you.

5. Keep things in perspective. A guidebook is only a guide after all. It will only tell you so much. If things don’t work out the way they said in the book, don’t whip yourself into a frenzy. When you travel unexpected things are bound to happen. A trip would be dreadfully boring if they didn’t.

… (The Shanghai government is) introducing emission controls on all vehicles and a total ban on further licenses for motor scooters (cars are already discouraged, with license plates costing the equivalent of 10 years salary for most Chinese people).

Shanghai citizens haven’t reacted to the bicycle ban yet, but given recent trends in China, it’s likely that they will. Although the government has announced its plans, there’s still time to see whether they have the will to carry them out. While living in China, I realized that it is the will to enforce the law, not the law itself, that is the rule in China.

In the city of Xi’an, motor scooters weren’t allowed in the area where I lived, but this law was almost never enforced and motor cycles and scooters ruled the road. Recently in Shanghai, a coalition of lawyers dedicated themselves to defending the residents of housing blocks that are being cleared for economic development. The developers are usually tycoons making more money on underhanded deals involved in the construction than in the development itself. This includes getting the land for a bargain by being allowed to loosely interpret Chinese laws that literally only allow residential areas to be cleared for social works such as hospitals and schools.

Though the lawyers defending displaced Shanghai residents have yet to win a law suit, litigation is on the rise in China. People are feeling like they have more rights and are now more free to demand these rights through the legal system. There are many examples of this booming trend:

One woman took a neighbor to court for naming a dog after her and then loudly insulting it in public (she wanted an apology and 1,000 yuan in damages). A seven-year-old girl filed suit against a theatre in Beijing because it said she was too small to attend a performance, even though she had a ticket. A man in Chengdu sued a bank that had imposed a height requirement on employees and he was too short to work there.

These days, the common government attitude is that the old China needs to go before the new China can come. For the deputy mayor of Shanghai, “the bicycle is just a reminder of past poverty.” He forgets that poverty is still a major problem and that while many people are getting rich, more and more people are being left behind. Look at it this way, the rich people are largely in the cities and the poor people are in the country (an imbalance Chairman Mao pledged his life to overcoming). While they’re separated now, ask most people around China where the living is good and they’ll tell you Shanghai or some other booming east- coast city (usually Shanghai is singled out as it’s touted by the government as Communist China’s greatest native success, unlike Hong Kong with its British past).

So there are millions of people who, if they don’t have a scheme to get a job in Canada or go to University in England, want to move to Shanghai where you need a specially issued residence permit. This permit is a whole lot easier to get if you have a job and so there is a significant portion of the population who are recent arrivals looking for a job and are staying with friends or relatives while they live off their savings. This adds pressure to the poor lower class already living in the city, and it is people like these who are going to be forced to abandon their bikes when the new law takes affect in Shanghai next year.

The local government in Guangzhou recently tried to do what Shanghai has done, banning bike traffic from certain main streets in order to ease congestion, but had to back down due to public outrage. Next door to Guangzhou, in Hong Kong, 500,000 residents recently marched in the streets to protest an anti-terrorism bill that would have encroached on the rights they inherited from the British government. The bill was withdrawn.

Mr. Chen, of the judicial reform centre, is certain China has just begun this long march [to freedom]. “It’s an inevitable trend,” he said. “People will demand more political rights and more human rights. There is a natural order to it: first economic rights, then democratic rights and political rights. Step by step, people will demand it.”

While the Chinese people have put up with a lot of hardship over the years, it seems that there is a limit. Though membership in the WTO requires China to crack down on pirated DVD’s, shops selling them are multiplying instead of being cleared off the streets. Many people I know in China think that the government would never be able to ban these cheap DVDs because they are just too popular. The truth is that DVD’s are quickly becoming the modern day Coliseum, a cheap form of entertainment that keeps the masses happy. Most people can afford a DVD player with a minimum of savings, and pirated DVD’s are so cheap that Chinese people I talked to refused to believe their cost in western countries (usually around 20-30 times more expensive).

Economic and Political rights are at least indirectly linked. Making money means you must allow people enough freedom to make financial decisions of their own. The people’s ability to make these decisions will be threatened if they can’t even decide the mode of transportation that they take to work. China’s cities could never survive the kind of automobile transformation that America went through in the 50′s. If Shanghai’s upcoming ban on bicycles gives any clue to how the Chinese government intends to tackle their mounting transportation problem, the country is in for some real trouble.

Hatred for the Japanese has simmered since WWII. While many of the university students I taught insisted that China was first and foremost a peace-loving nation, they also said that if there were to be a WWIII it would be between China and Japan. Most Chinese love Germany because of its attempts to atone for its war crimes. Unlike Germany though, Japan has brushed over its bloody history, and the Chinese, who have whitewashed so much of their own history, have not been able to forgive them.

The Communist government does very little for the people any more; there are virtually no free public services in China, and yet the government continues to demand more from its citizens. Many of my students had parents who were required to retire in their mid-forties in order to make way for other qualified workers. Several students, when asked whether they had seen a parade, recounted stories of elderly workers marching in the street after being laid off from their state-owned factories.

At the same time, people are controlled by fear. During the SARS outbreak, many of our friends voluntarily quarantined themselves so they wouldn’t be blamed for putting their apartment, school or work place at risk of contracting the disease.

One of the few things people still like about the government is the nationalistic pride it encourages, mainly through the state-run media. During the recent Iraq war, my students were convinced that Saddam Hussein was fighting for his religious freedom. Before going to Tibet, my wife and I were warned that the Dalai Lama was an evil man bent on destroying China. When China launched its first astronaut, most of my students felt that their government was finally fulfilling a long held promise to join the United States as a dominant world power.

Rhetoric promising to return Taiwan to the “motherland” is much the same. If Taiwan’s president succeeds in declaring Taiwan a separate nation, a lot of Chinese would feel that their nation, and therefore the communist party, had lost face. In light of the recent Xian riots, you can start to see why the police would allow a rare bout of violence as long as it was done in the name of defending China’s honor.

Over two years ago, the Iranian national football team lost in the World Cup Qualifiers to Bahrain. That night, students rioted in Tehran and the situation quickly got out of hand. Although the riots started with anger at the team’s loss, it continued and got out of control because soccer rioting is the only type of rioting that’s even remotely acceptable in Iran. China, like Iran, has limits on the displeasure its citizens can express. Was there an element of this pent up frustration in the Xian riots?

China is increasingly opening up to foreign investment and this will only continue as WTO membership forces uncompetitive state-owned enterprises to compete with foreign firms. In China’s eastern cities, like Shanghai and Beijing, you see foreign business people mingling with Chinese culture every day. Inland cities like Xian are not as well integrated though, and they will be further left behind by the success of the east coast if they cannot come to terms with foreigners.

While teaching, I tried to focus from time to time on international news and ideas, but found that most of my students were close-minded and poorly educated on foreign cultures, even though they spend long hours in school. I felt that their reluctance to look fairly at other nations came from the students’ fear of exposing their own country to the same criticism.

The Chinese government is addicted to the popularity it is winning with its nationalist rhetoric, and it is this very addiction that threatens to keep China behind the rest of the world. China is increasingly looking outward to meet its growing needs for resources and trading partners, and it cannot afford to alienate potentially important countries like Japan. It would be far better for China in the long run if it used the state-run media and education system to portray other nations fairly instead of slandering them. In doing so, China would prepare its people for a more international future and avoid violent incidents like the riots last week in Xian.

YunYan Hao / Tom / age 7

Dear Bush,

You are bad. You are eating a banana. You’re in the blue planet. You are a big red ear.

Flower / age 9

Dear Bush,

My name is Flower. I live in Xi’an. Xi’an is behind Beijing. Beijing is big. I like my home.
Bye bye Bush

Zhai Ming Lu / Lulu / Age 15

How are you? I’m a chinese girl named Lulu. Do you like animals, especially dogs? I like them very much, and I have a pet dog. I heard that Americans treated animals very well and that there were special laws for animals. I think America is a good place for animals, because people are friendly to them.

Here, I don’t want to talk about anything bad, like the war. I want want to say something about my life.

Some of my classmates will go to America because they think that American textbooks are more relaxed and that the students don’t need to do lots of homework.

In conclusion, I hope that American students will communicate with Chinese students frequently.

Good luck to you! See you!

Ma Lan / Anna / Age 14

Dear Bush,

I’ll tell you something about myself. I like reading books, playing golf, table tennis, etc.

My favorite president is Chairman Mao because I think he is the most handsome president in the world, but I think you are handsome too.

You are America’s president so I think you can do anything you want. You have a lot of power so I want you to recommend me to West Point please! Thank you very much.

Gu Chen / Susan / Age 13

Dear Bush,

I’m a girl from China and I don’t think you’re an interesting person. I think becoming a lovely person is good for your health. I think you’re too fat and this can give you many dangerous diseases. So you’d better eat less meat and more fruit and vegetables. I think if you do that, then it will not only be good for your health, but also good for your wife.

Maybe you can also excercise more or else you will die early and you won’t have enough time to attack many other countries like Iraq or even China. Then you’ll be sad. Hope you become thin and lovely!

Gu Fangfang / Cary / Age 14

Dear G.W. Bush,

I’m a chines girl from Xi’an, where I go to middle school. All of us in the world know you’re the president of America. We know your father was a president and that your family is so outstanding.

Here I want to ask you a question. Do you like peace? I think your answer is “Yes”. Am I right? But why did you start a war in Iraq? Did you want to save the Iraqi people? Did you want to kill the president of Iraq? Maybe your answer is “Yes”.

But did you know a lot of people died in this war? Maybe the USA could get a lot of oil, but do you know a lot of people lost their families? I know you do many things for the people in the USA, even though America is the best and richest country in the world, but there are still so many people who don’t like war in this world.

So if you want to start a war again, please ask all the people in the world. Please listen to their advice.

Wang Si Bei / John / Age 12

Dear Bush,

How are you? I’m very good. I like China. What do you like? I like eating Pizza. Do you like Pizza? I love my mother. Do you like your mother? Goodbye.

Liao Yue / Valerie / Age 14 Dear Bush,

How are you? I know you just a little, but I know you’re a president. You are very important in America.

I just want to tell you one thing. Please get well with your people. They are very good and are all very friendly, but you aren’t. You killed many American people. They did many things for you, but you didn’t get well with them. You look like a father. Do you think you look like a father? Please think of it.

Wang Wei / Tina / Age 14

Dear Bush,

I want to ask you what you think of China and the Chinese? You’re the President of America, so I think that Chinese and Americans should get on well with each other. You should work hard for this.

I don’t think fighting wars is good. I am opposed to wars and the people who fight them. I think many people in the world agree with me. Please excuse me, I don’t really mean that you aren’t a very good. Just that sometimes, if you can, you should stop wars. Do you know that wars can kill many people? Best wishes for you.

Bob / age 9

Dear Bush,

1. You are a good president
2. You are a ghost
3. Do you like eating hot dogs?
4. You are a bad man
Goodbye!

Yesterday we reached our last 5,000 meter pass (about 17,000 feet) on our way to the border. I stood on the dry plateau and the whole massive Himalaya was spread out before me. Crooked snow covered peaks from right to left. Prayer flags fluttered the background, strung from the pole that marked the pass, and were nearly deafening in their numbers. Our driver quickly got us back into the Landcruiser and we plunged off the edge of the switchback road on the first of the days ‘shortcuts’ that would get us to the border before dark.

I had not realized until recently how Indian Nepal would be. The English just washes over me. The billboards, the radio station, I can understand everything. The Indian people populated Nepal with their clothes and religion thousands of years ago and I didn’t know until now.

We ate our last Tibetan breakfast this morning (the woman who ran the restaurant was stuffing plastic bags in our pocket, giving us the thumbs up like we’d need them, as we got the rest of our friend Momos to go and headed out the door). We walked down the steep winding streets to the border checkpoint where people lied about loosing their permits or not getting them from their tour guide, and the border officials let them through (choosing to believe the liars rather than going through all the difficulties of confronting them). It was a half hour bumpy ride in a teenager’s jeep down to the Nepal side where everything was 10 times more colorful and 20 times more cheerful. We were happy to see a big picture of the Dalai Lama enshrined in the cafe where we ate (something that had been so noticeably missing in Tibet), and waited for our driver to buy an ugly chinese-made blanket at the border market before we began our 4 hour bus ride through the green waterfall filled valley to Kathmandu.

We’re there now and the motorbikes are ripping through the narrow streets. Things are shockingly cheap and we’re in a luxury hotel when compared to the 15 yuan dorm beds we had in China last night. As we drove into town tonight, the sun set on the high snowcapped peaks of the Himalaya. You had to squint your eyes to tell them apart from the billowing clouds.

Maoists: There are checkpoints on the roads heading into Kathmandu. After crossing the border I did a double-take over the first guard I realized was carrying a very large gun. Most of the military guards are wearing lovely new camouflage uniforms that may very well have been supplied by the United States. Vehicles with foreigners are usually waved around the checkpoints, whereas normal Nepalis must get out of their bus and walk through a barb-wire chute, that somehow proves they are not a Maoist, before they are allowed to reboard their bus on down the road.

It’s hard to avoid the tourist slum of Thamel, where we’re staying in Kathmandu. As we ate a lovely cooked breakfast yesterday under tropical trees, served by young men in starched white shirts, Bronwen noted that it felt like being on the Titanic. Thamel would be the last place that you’d notice the country was sinking as you enjoyed hot fresh rolls and chatted with Indian men trying to sell you Tiger Balm.

The newspapers seem fairly upbeat about the civil war (it’s debated whether or not the word ‘civil war’ is appropriate) and they frequently refer to battles where equal numbers were killed on either side as ‘Yet another setback for the Maoists’. Most of the violence still seems to be in the far west of the country and the paper today claimed that the moaists had suffered defeat in the mountains and would now try to win support in the Terai (the plains that lead to India, where most Nepalis live).